1.1 The Little
General Elections, 1966
These elections, as we have seen, were not general
elections. They were necessitated by the formation of the opposition KPU, and
the passage of a rushed constitutional amendment which stated that any MP who
crossed to another party after elections automatically lost his/her seat and a
by-election was thus mandatoiy. In 1964 when members of KADU and the Akamba
Peoples Party (APP) had voluntarily crossed into the ruling party KANU, no
by-elections were thought necessary. In 1966, however, it was argued by KANU
that MPs elected through the KANU ticket had to renew their mandate with the
electorate after joining a different party.
In the 1966 elections, KPU
candidates were subjected to considerable official harassment. They were not,
on the whole, granted licences for campaign rallies. Their passports were
impounded. The Registrar of Societies denied KPU registration until nomination
day. The Voice of Kenya imposed a news blackout on KPU. Despite the extensive
harassment, KPU garnered more votes than KANU in the contested seats, although
KANU won the majority of contested seats.
The 1966 elections revealed that
the government of the day could manipulate constitutional and electoral law in
order to secure its advantage in an electoral contest. Partisan change of law
was therefore developed as a campaign strategy in electoral contest. Also from
the electoral results, it was clear that the delimitation of the constituencies
by the Electoral Commission left a lot to be desired.
The population criterion was not emphasized in the
delimitation of constituencies so that extraordinarily uneven populations were
to be found in different constituencies. Finally, the trend of harassing an
opposition party so as to ensure that it could not concentrate properly on the
electoral contest started to take root in the 1966 elections. According to the
manner in which the opposition was treated, it was clear that KANU had chosen
not to fight competitive elections in a fair manner.
1.2 The 1969 General
Elections
These elections had been delayed. The first general
elections should have been held in 1968. By law, the life of parliament had
been extended. In 1966 bicameralism was transformed into unicameralism. In the
1968 local government elections, all KPU candidates were disqualified on the
grounds that their nomination papers were filled incorrectly.
Prior to the 1969 elections, the KPU was proscribed
and most of its leaders detained.
Since the country was now a de facto one
party state, KANU party's selection of candidates was crucial in determining
who could stand for elections. According to the party's nomination rules,
persons wishing to contest elections under KANU had to have been party members
for at least 6 months before nomination. KANU's National Executive Committee
was responsible for the approval of candidates recommended by KANU district
branches. Only two KPU members, Grace Onyango and Bildad Kaggia, were
readmitted to KANU.
In the elections, Jomo Kenyatta and 9 other MPs were
elected unopposed. 77 out of 158 of the former MPs were rejected by the
voters.
The 1969 elections set a firm
precedent regarding the exclusion of former KPU politicians from the electoral
process. From 1969 henceforth, KANU argued that these Kenyans had not
sufficiently "changed their hearts" to embrace the policies of KANU
and as a result their candidature should not be supported by KANU.
1.3 1974 General
Elections
These were to be the last general elections during
Jomo Kenyatta's presidency. Kenyatta and four others were elected unopposed to
parliament. Just as in 1969, there was no contest in the presidential election.
The age of majority and voting age had been lowered
from 21 to 18 years. Many young eligible voters did not vote in the elections
because they did not have national identity cards.
To become a candidate in the elections, an aspirant
had to be a life member of KANU and had to fill in a form of compliance with
party rules. Former KPU members had to prove that they fully identified with
KANU.
The provincial administration played a significant
role in the elections. District commissioners favored sitting MPs as opposed to
new comers, especially in the granting of licences for campaign meetings.
During these elections, as many candidates as were approved
or "cleared" by KANU could stand in the elections. Although this gave
wide choice to the electorate, many MPs were elected without an overall majority
in constituencies where the number of contestants was very high. Another
important feature of these elections was the record number of election
petitions witnessed. A long confidant of Jomo Kenyatta, Paul Ngei, MP for
Kangundo, had his election annulled by the High Court on grounds of his
intimidating another candidate. By virtue of that decision, Paul Ngei was
guilty of an electoral offence and could not by law become a candidate in the
subsequent by-election.
However, a constitutional
amendment was passed which enabled Kenyatta to pardon Ngei as a result of which
Ngei stood and won in the subsequent by-election. Once more, the election was
manipulated to aid an individual who should not have participated in the
electoral process.
1.4 1979 General
Elections
These were the first general elections under President
Daniel T. Arap Moi.
Prior to the elections, election
law was amended to increase election expenses to K Shs. 40,000. A deposit of K
Shs. 50,000 was required as an election petition deposit.
During the preliminary KANU
nominations, all the ex-KPU members were barred. Oginga Odinga was barred on
the pretext that he had acquired his KANU life membership in Nyeri and not his
home area. In the elections, the majority of politicians returned had been
elected during Kenyatta's era. Regarding the 1979 elections, observers have
commented that President Moi was unable to get his men to parliament.
1.5 1983 General
Elections
These elections, which were held in advance of the
usual five-year outside limit, were the first general elections under a de jure one
party state. They were held after the country had faced a major crisis in the
form of a bloody attempted coup
d'etat.
In May 1982 Oginga Odinga
and George Anyona had announced the formation of the Kenya African Socialist
Alliance (KASA). They were expelled from KANU and Anyona was detained without
trial.
In August, 1982, an attempted coup d'etat led
by non-commissioned members of the Kenya Air Force was suppressed. Prior to the
elections, President Moi "revealed" that there existed a traitor in
his cabinet who, together with other senior citizens, was plotting to overthrow
him, possibly with support of some foreign governments. Eventually, Charles
Mugane Njonjo, a former powerful Attorney-General and close friend to Kenyatta
and Moi, was mentioned as the "traitor". The political system,
especially the KANU sub-system, was mobilized to flush Njonjo and his perceived
collaborators out.
Before the elections, KANU
conducted an impressive recruitment drive which enlisted about 22.12% of those
over 18 years. In the ensuing elections, those aspirants deemed to be close to
Njonjo were ousted. President Moi had shed off Njonjo who had been thought to
have been responsible for securing Moi's succession in 1978. Now parliament
had a majority of MPs who owed allegiance to Moi.
1.6 1988 General
Elections
These were Kenya's most controversial elections thus
far. They were styled the "queue-voting elections" which were aimed
at replacing the secret ballot with open balloting at the party nomination
stage. During preliminary nominations by KANU, as many contestants as had been
approved or "cleared" by KANU would vie for elections. Voters had to
stand or queue behind the candidate of their choice or an agent, representing
such candidate, who hoisted the candidate's picture behind him. At the end of
the exercise, the number of voters who had queued for a candidate in all polling
stations would be collated. Only candidates who polled 30% or more of the total
votes cast would go forward to the second-tier secret ballot voting. A
candidate gaining 70% of the total votes would be declared elected unopposed.
Registration of voters took place
in 1987. 6,091,798 voters were registered, or 82.9% of the potential
electorate. Parliament, upon the recommendation of the Electoral Commission,
increased the number of constituencies from 158 to 188.
At the KANU nomination stage,
approximately 2 million KANU members voted. In about 60 out of the 188
parliamentary constituencies, candidates were declared elected unopposed under
the 70% rule. This disenfranchised voters who were non-KANU members in those
constituencies.
The queue-voting system was
opposed by many Kenyans and concerned bodies such as the National Council of
Churches of Kenya (NCCK), the Law Society of Kenya (LSK), etc. It was pointed
out that if electoral officers miscounted the voters, there could be no fresh
opportunity to recount since the queues dispersed after elections.
Perhaps more importantly,
open voting contradicted, fundamentally, the critical principle of secret
voting, considered fundamental in democratic elections
Many election petitions
arose as a consequence of the 1988 elections. The High Court in several cases
refused to intervene, arguing that it had no jurisdiction to question the KANU
nomination exercise which it perceived as a matter touching on KANU's internal
affairs. The election petitions were concluded two months before the
dissolution of the Sixth Parliament. In the case of the Malava constituency,
the High Court reversed the election of the 'MP' two months before parliament's
dissolution.
The constituents in Malava
had been represented for almost 5 years by a non-elected individual due to, inter alia, a
faulty election petition system.
The aim of this chapter has been to cast Kenya's
general elections ^within a historical context which will enable us to properly
evaluate the 1992 general elections. It could be concluded that the
pre-independence 1961 and 1963 elections which sought to bring about black
majority rule, or one person, one vote, were fairly competitive. The initial
elections during independence e.g. 1969, 1974, 1979 were state controlled
semi-competitive elections. In 1983 and especially in 1988, within the context
of a de jure one party state, the elections were transformed to
state controlled noncompetitive elections. Obviously then, it was hoped that
the 1992 multiparty elections would reverse the trend or complete the circle
and take Kenya back to competitive elections.
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